On
June
6, the French convoy from Civita Vecchia hove in sight off
Malta;
on June 9, it was joined by the main fret. The sight of the
400
ships was terrifying. "Never"', wrote a witness, had
Malta seen such a numberless fleet in her waters. The sea was covered for
miles with ships of all sizes whose masts resembled a huge forest. (1)
Bonaparte's
plan was simplicity itself. He would request the Maltese Grand Master's
permission for the French fleet to renew its water supply. Then, whether
permission was granted or not, he would land his troops to the north and
south of Valetta and on the neighbouring island of Gozo,
encircle Valetta, and wait for the Knights' surrender. The population
was to be assured that the French came with peaceful intentions and would
respect their property and religion. Nothing in the orders issued by Bonaparte
and
Berthier
between June 6 and June 9 indicates that hostilities were
anticipated.

In
the late evening of June 9, von Hompesch's reply was delivered
to Bonaparte: no more than four ships at a time would be admitted.
Bonaparte
pretended to be indignant at such want of hospitality on the part of the
Knights Hospitaler. "General Bonaparte"', he informed von Hompesch,
will secure by force what should have been accorded him freely.(2)
By
10 p.m., he issued his final orders for the landing. Less than
twenty-four
hours later, all of Malta and Gozo save
Valetta and
the other fortified cities on either side of Grand Harbour were in French
hands.
To
Bonaparte's
surprise, there had been some resistance, especially on Gozo. Some
cannon had been fired, and in a few spots the Maltese regulars and militia
even had emptied their muskets at the French before throwing them away
to expedite their retreat. This misunderstanding, as
Bourrienne called
it, irritated the General, who blamed Poussielgue for it.
After spending a few hours on the island, he returned to L'Orient
and went to sleep.
On
Gozo,
according to the reminiscences of Captain Vertray, then a lieutenant
in the 9th Half-Brigade, the French scaled the local defences singing
the Marseillaise as they went. A few Knights allowed
themselves to be captured; the Maltese defenders, after some resistance,
were equally happy to capitulate and kiss their victors' hands. Vertray
says that French and Maltese instantly began to fraternize; Quartermaster
Sergeant Francois, also of the 9th Half-Brigade, declares that
the island of Gozo was thoroughly looted, the inhabitants
having left their homes.(3)
At
Valetta, meanwhile, consternation was general among the Knights as
well as among the Maltese. Women were wailing in their houses, saints were
carried through the streets in procession, and Grand Master von Hompesch
spent the day debating with his council of Knights what to do. None of
these activities contributed materially to the defence of Valetta,
a city named for the Grand Master Jean de la Valette; under whose
command it had resisted centuries ago Sulayman the Magnificient's
army for five months. (4)
Von
Hompesch had had sufficient warning, long before the French appeared,
that an attack was impending. A weak and irresolute man despite his sixteen
quarters of nobility and the elegant suit of armour in which he had himself
painted, he had done nothing to prepare for that eventuality. There were
enough supplies in Valetta to withstand a siege for four months,
but the defences were in poor shape. The guns, of which there were nearly
a thousand, had not been used for a century except to fire salutes. The
powder supplies were rotten. The Maltese militia (about 10,000 men)
showed little martial spirit. They were not afraid of the Turks, they said,
but they had been told that the French were devils, and who would not be
afraid of devils? There was a native garrison of about 1,500 men,
hardly enough to serve 1,000 guns. As for the Knights, there
were exactly 332 in Malta; of these, fifty were
too old or too ill to fight. Of the remaining 272, few showed the
faintest sparks of the spirit of Villiers de L'Isle-Adam or
Jean
de la Valette: on June 10, many of them deserted the militiamen
they were supposed to command, and two allegedly were shot by their own
men as deserters.
Two
hundred of the Knights were French. Their reliability became dubious in
the morning of June 10, when Bosredon de Ransijat informed
the council that he would not fight against his countrymen and offered
his resignation as Treasurer of the Order. His message unnerved the
Maltese Grand Master, whose only action on that crucial day
consisted in putting his Treasurer under arrest. Conflicting reports
poured into the council chamber of mob violence, of Knights being killed
by the Maltese, and of hidden arms supplies being distributed to
the population by French agents disguised as Greeks: small as it was, the
city was in chaos. In the evening, a deputation of leading Maltese nobles
and burghers was admitted to the council chamber and pleaded with
von
Hompesch to put an end to a useless resistance.
Undoubtedly
there was a fifth column of disaffected Knights and officials within the
walls of Valetta. Their number, however, was small, and energetic
action could have paralysed them. Yet the strength of fifth columns resides
not so much in their numbers as in the vague fear and panic they inspire:
nothing serves the purposes of traitors better than do shouts of `Treason!'
Conversely, nothing is more convenient to those who do not care to fight
than to claim that they have been betrayed. Admittedly, the Knights could
not have held out for long, but they could easily have resisted for two
weeks. At worst, this would have saved their honour; at best, it would
have resulted in the relief of Malta by the British fleet and the
destruction of the French forces. Von Hompesch did not know that
on June 9, the day the two French convoys joined before Valetta,
Admiral Nelson with fourteen battleships had started on his pursuit
of the French fleet, and that two weeks later he would be within reach
of Malta. Neither, for that matter, did General Bonaparte,
who knew only that Nelson was somewhere about with three battleships
but had not yet learned of the British reinforcements. Had he been aware
of them, he would not have spent a week in Malta. Hompesch's ignorance
and irresolution, combined with the confusion created by a handful of disaffected
men, led to the decision made in the early morning hours of June 11
to
sue for an armistice. For twenty four hours, the course of modern
history depended on some 500 men, warrior monks, quaint relics of
the Age of Crusades. Had their hearts been as anachronistic as were their
institutions, they would have fought, regardless of the outcome, as had
their predecessors. But their hearts were modern: resistance seemed an
empty gesture; surrender allowed hopes for material compensation.
The
fall of Malta stirred up a tempest of recriminations. Hompesch
himself was accused of having been bribed in advance and of putting up
a mere show of resistance, a rumour given substance by Bonaparte's
confidence that he could take Malta without a blow. There is no
evidence to support this view. It is almost certain that Hompesch
had not been bribed in advance; but he was only too willing to let a bribe
shorten his resistance, and this Bonaparte had known in advance.
It was thus he could make sure that he could dare.
In
the morning of June 11 an emissary from the Grand Master
walked up the thirty-two steps to the deck of L' Orient and
delivered two letters-one to Bonaparte, asking for a truce, and
one to the geologist Dolomieu, begging him to use his good offices
on behalf of the Order to which he once had belonged. Bonaparte
appointed
Dolomieu (who resented the ambiguous role thus forced
on him), along with Poussielgue and his aide-de-camp Junot,
to go ashore and confer with Hompesch. Hompesch embraced
the black sheep Dolomieu, by. now his only hope; a twenty-four
hours truce was signed, pending negotiations for surrender. About midnight,
the Grand Master's emissaries including
Bosredon de Ransijat,
who was no longer under arrest -arrived on
L'Orient. Bonaparte
was
woken; half an hour later, the treaty had been drafted and signed.
Malta
was
ceded to the French Republic; France would use her influence to obtain
for Hompesch a principality in Germany, and in the meantime
would pay him a yearly pension of 300,000 francs; the other Knights
were to receive pensions of 700 to 1,000 francs, depending on their
age.
Bonaparte
went ashore in Valetta on June 12 and was received by a delegation
consisting of his supporters in the Order. "It's a lucky thing",
observed
General Caffarelli, who was with him, "that at least
there was somebody to open the gates for us." (5)
The
Knights Hospitaler, relieved at the thought that no more heroism was required
of them, received the French with almost an excess of hospitality. "They
showered us with a thousand attentions and civilities", noted Lieutenant
Desvernois of the Cavalry.
While
his troops and crews went about their various details and recreations,
General Bonaparte addressed himself to the multiple tasks facing him with
the impetuosity of a tornado. In the six days he spent in Malta,
he dictated no less than 168 reports, despatches, and orders. In
a single day-June 13-he liquidated a centuries-old state, established
the basis of a new government, and confiscated close to 7,000,000 francs'
worth
of treasures belonging to the Order, not to mention 35,000
muskets,
two battleships, one frigate, and four galleys. The administration of the
island was set down in an order containing sixteen terse paragraphs.(6)
Another order, in four paragraphs, dissolved the armed forces of Malta;
abolished armourial bearings, and titles of nobility; gave all subjects
of enemy powers two days to leave the island; and notified the Knights
(with certain exceptions) that they must leave Malta within three
days. In yet another order, Citizens Monge and Berthollet
were deputed to inspect the Mint, the treasures of the Church of St.
John, and all other places where objects of value might be found.(7)
Among the objects of value found were 5,000,000 francs' worth of gold,
almost a million francs' worth of silver plate, and the gem-encrusted
treasures of the Church of St. John, also valued at about a million.

The
Knights were graciously permitted to take with them a splinter of the True
Cross, which lacked cash value, and one of the many hands of St. John
the Baptist- they are scattered all over the Middle East, along
with his several heads-but only after it had been removed from its bejewelled
reliquary. All the bullion and precious objects were transferred,
after inventory, to the French paymaster; a large part of them were taken
to Egypt. To top off the day all this happened on June 13
the General snubbed the Grand Master's invitation to dinner,
summoned him and the Knights to his residence, and bluntly informed them
that all Knights below sixty years of age had to leave within three
days, none being allowed to take with him more than 240 francs,
for travel expenses. Excepted from the expulsion were thirty-four Knights,
all French and under thirty, whom Bonapane had persuaded
to volunteer with the French army in Egypt, and seventeen
other officials of the Order (not all of them professed Knights), who had
assisted the French in various ways during the preceding months. The list
of the seventeen, which may be regarded as the roster of the
fifth column, is headed by two Knights Bosredon de Ransijat and
Fay
Ransijat also heads the list of the governmental commissioners.
Between
June
14 and 18, General Bonaparte took care of a number of odds and
ends before leaving Malta to conquer Egypt. Among other things,
he abolished slavery, visited the bagno of the port, freed the 600
Turks and 1,400 Arab slaves held there, and ordered the Turks
(following
their own request) to serve as crews in his convoy, pending their release
in Egypt; asked the French consuls in Tunis,
Tripoli,
and Algiers to inform the bey's of this action and to invite
them to liberate their Maltese slaves in turn; ordered all Maltese men
to wear the French tricolour cockade, and promised French citizenship and
the right to wear the French national costume to all those who showed sufficient
patriotic zeal (especially in the form of voluntary contributions); decreed
that all French troops left in garrison in Malta should wear cotton
uniforms; formed native National Guard battalions, patterned on the French;
set up a military hospital; reorganized the island's hospital and postal
services; reduced the number of monasteries and of new priests to be ordained;
limited the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Malta to purely ecclesiastic
affairs and forbade him to appeal to the Pope; transferred the funds
of charitable religious foundations to the hospitals; decreed the death
penalty for all Greek Orthodox residents of Malta and the Ionian
Islands who had any traffic with Russia.
Then
Bonaparte ordered that sixty boys between nine and fourteen
of age, chosen from among the wealthiest Maltese families, be sent to Paris
and educated there as Frenchmen at the expense of the Republic; set up
a new primary and secondary school system; fixed the teachers' salaries
and prescribed the curriculum (with heavy emphasis on the sciences, French,
and "the principles of morality and of the French constitution");la
requested the Directory to send graduates of the Ecole Polytechnique to
Malta to teach mathematics, mechanics, and physics; determined the
new fiscal rates and the salaries and expense accounts of administrative
officers; incorporated more than 300 men of the former Malta
Regiment
into the expeditionary force a useful acquisition, the Maltese language
being a branch of Arabic Language.
Bonaparte
also provided for a French garrison of some 3,000 men to be left in Malta
under General Vaubois; and requested that all the soldiers' wives
waiting at the Toulon depot to join their husbands be embarked on
a second convoy and taken to Malta, to await further orders; despatched
his aide-de-camp Lavallette to Albania aboard the frigate
L'Arthemise
with
a letter to his most respectable friend, `Aliy Pasha of Janina,
where would make certain interesting overtures to him; and sent the frigate
La
Sensible to Toulon, with despatches to the Directory. Along
with the despatches, he sent General Baraguey d'Hilliers and
a few personal gifts for the Directors, among them a sterling silver model
of a galley dating' s from the Knights' sojourn in Rhodes (It has,
he wrote, some curiosity value because of its antiquity') and a silken
altar cloth woven in China, which showed "pretty good workmanship"
He also informed Citizen Talleyrand
that La Sensible
would
take him from ,Toulon to
Constantinople. *

Despite
all these activities, La Sensible never reached
Toulon
and it was some time before General Baraguey d'Hilliers reached
his wife. The frigate was captured by the English frigate Sea-horse
on June 27. Except for the general and his two aides-de-camp, whom
the British kept as prisoners of war, the crew and passengers were released
at Cagliari, in neutral Sardinia. The despatches and trophies
had been cast into the sea before La Sensible's surrender.
(8)
Its
mission accomplished, the French armada sailed from Malta on June
18 and 19. The troops had been put on alert or re-embarked as early
as June 17.
Meanwhile
on June 17 Admiral Nelson reached the Bay of Naples and sent
the brig Mutine to get information from the British Minister,
Sir
William Hamilton. Hamilton
suggested that the French might be
found off Malta. The question was: had they already left Malta
and, if so, for where Sicily or Egypt?
Nelson thought it
was Egypt. " I shall believe" he wrote to the First
Lord, "that they are going on their scheme of possessing
Alexandria,
and
getting troops to India a plan concerted with Tippoo Sahib, by no means
so difficult as might at first view be imagined .... Be they bound for
the Antipodes, Your Lordship may rely that I will not lose a moment in
bringing them to action, and endeavour to destroy their Transports.(9)
He lost not a moment; on
June 20
he
passed the Strait of Messina, about 160 miles from the position
of the French fleet on that date.
The
same day, Bonaparte received intelligence, through one of his cruising
frigates, that an English squadron of fourteen ships of the line
had been observed sailing eastward. The French decided to set their course
toward Crete, to elude their pursuers. The pursuers, traveling at
approximately twice the speed of their prey, passed the French, at a few
miles distance, during the foggy night of June 22-23. For the whole
week following, Nelson was to race after a quarry which was trailing
him at a leisurely pace, unaware of his presence.
Nelson
had polled his senior captains on June 22, requesting their opinion
as to the real destination of the French. Their replies to his questionnaire
were unanimous: the English squadron must crowd sail and make for Alexandria
with the utmost speed, to prevent a French landing there. Still, with only
one brig to reconnoitre the whole eastern Mediterranean, Nelson
was
operating in the dark.
| "We
are proceeding upon the merest conjecture only, and not on any positive
information",
wrote
Captain
Sir James Saumarez of H.M.S. Orion. "Some days
must elapse before we can be relieved from our cruel suspense; and if,
at the end of our journey, we find we are upon a wrong scent, our embarrassment
will be great indeed."(10) |

Nelson
did not find the French anywhere near Crete they had passed the
island about two weeks earlier. On July 19 he reached Syracuse:
but the French were not in Sicily either. By this time, he was barely
able to eat. He had, so he wrote, "gone a round of near six hundred
leagues with an expedition incredible" and was as much in the dark
as ever. (11)
Nothing
is more vexatious to a man possessed by duty and ambition than to appear
ridiculous in the pursuit of either. Nelson's every nerve was strained
in his passionate determination not to return a failure. `Be assured',
he wrote to Sir William and Emma Hamilton (who was not
yet his mistress), "I will return either crowned with laurel, or
covered with cypress."(12)

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FOOTNOTES
Episode
three
(1)
Cavaliero, p, 223. 23 Correspondence inédite, officielle.
(2)
Correspondence, IV, 133. et confidentielle: Egypte, I, 155.
(3)
Francois, I, 184. 24 Correspondence, IV, 182-83.
(4)
When Villiers de L'Isle-Adam and his Knights left Rhodes in 1523, they
took with them their arms, treasures, and archives, and they marched out
of their fortress with military honours, amidst the silent homage of their
Turkish conquerors. When Ferdinand, Freiherr von Hompesch left Malta on
June 17, 1798, he took with him nothing beside a vain promise of a pension,
and he made his way to the ship that was to take him to Trieste amidst
the boos of the French soldiers and the Maltese populace. Disgraced, he
resigned one year later, under the pressure of Tsar Paul I, whose heart
was set on the Grand Mastership. On October 12, 1799, St. John the Baptist's
withered hand arrived at St. Petersburg, where the new Grand Master, dressed
in his imperial coronation robes, bowed to the ground before it. As for
von Hompesch, he never received the principality that had been promised
him, and he had to wait six years for the first payment of his pension.
He died in exile shortly afterwards, in 1805.
(5)
Bourrienne, Vol. I, Ch, v. 25 Correspondence de l'armée francaise.
(6)
Made part of the French Republic, Malta was placed under a governmental
commission of nine, eight of whom were native Maltese. A member of the
Scientific Commission, Regnault de Saint-Jean d'Angely (later a cabinet
minister under Napoléon) was appointed Commissioner of the French
Republic.
(7)
Correspondence, IV, 147. 26 Nicholas Turc, p. 8.
(8)One
of the passengers released, the writer A.-V. Arnault, who had quit Bonaparte's
Scientific Commission in Malta, relayed the contents of the despatches
to the Directors found time to stroll in the well-kept gardens of the luckless
Grand Master and to savour the delicious oranges that he and his entourage
picked from the trees.
(9)
12 Nelson, III, 31. 29 Bourrienne, I, 258.
(10)
Warner, pp. 57-58. 30 Correspondence, IV, 190.
(11)
Nelson, III, 43. 31, Bourrienne, I, 258.
(12)
Ibid., III, 47. 32 Thurman, p. 27.
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